「愛国主義とは何か」エマ・ゴールドマン(1908年、サンフランシスコ/カリフォルニア)What Is Patriotism? by Emma Goldman

What Is Patriotism? by Emma Goldman
1908, San Francisco, California

Men and Women:

What is patriotism? Is it love of one's birthplace, the place of childhood's recollections and hopes, dreams and aspirations? Is it the place where, in childlike naivete, we would watch the passing clouds, and wonder why we, too, could not float so swiftly? The place where we would count the milliard glittering stars, terror-stricken lest each one "an eye should be," piercing the very depths of our little souls? Is it the place where we would listen to the music of the birds and long to have wings to fly, even as they, to distant lands? Or is it the place where we would sit on Mother's knee, enraptured by tales of great deeds and conquests? In short, is it love for the spot, every inch representing dear and precious recollections of a happy, joyous and playful childhood?

If that were patriotism, few American men of today would be called upon to be patriotic, since the place of play has been turned into factory, mill, and mine, while deepening sounds of machinery have replaced the music of the birds. No longer can we hear the tales of great deeds, for the stories our mothers tell today are but those of sorrow, tears and grief.

What, then, is patriotism? "Patriotism, sir, is the last resort of scoundrels," said Dr. [Samuel] Johnson. Leo Tolstoy, the greatest anti-patriot of our time, defines patriotism as the principle that will justify the training of wholesale murderers; a trade that requires better equipment in the exercise of man-killing than the making of such necessities as shoes, clothing, and houses; a trade that guarantees better returns and greater glory than that of the honest workingman...

Indeed, conceit, arrogance and egotism are the essentials of patriotism. Let me illustrate. Patriotism assumes that our globe is divided into little spots, each one surrounded by an iron gate. Those who have had the fortune of being born on some particular spot consider themselves nobler, better, grander, more intelligent than those living beings inhabiting any other spot. It is, therefore, the duty of everyone living on that chosen spot to fight, kill and die in the attempt to impose his superiority upon all the others. The inhabitants of the other spots reason in like manner, of course, with the result that from early infancy the mind of the child is provided with blood-curdling stories about the Germans, the French, the Italians, Russians, etc. When the child has reached manhood he is thoroughly saturated with the belief that he is chosen by the Lord himself to defend his country against the attack or invasion of any foreigner. It is for that purpose that we are clamoring for a greater army and navy, more battleships and ammunition...

An army and navy represent the people's toys. To make them more attractive and acceptable, hundreds and thousands of dollars are being spent for the display of toys. That was the purpose of the American government in equipping a fleet and sending it along the Pacific coast, that every American citizen should be made to feel the pride and glory of the United States.

The city of San Francisco spent one hundred thousand dollars for the entertainment of the fleet; Los Angeles, sixty thousand; Seattle and Tacoma, about one hundred thousand... Yes, two hundred and sixty thousand dollars were spent on fireworks, theater parties, and revelries, at a time when men, women, and children through the breadth and length of the country were starving in the streets; when thousands of unemployed were ready to sell their labor at any price.

What could not have been accomplished with such an enormous sum? But instead of bread and shelter, the children of those cities were taken to see the fleet, that it may remain, as one newspaper said, "a lasting memory for the child."

A wonderful thing to remember, is it not? The implements of civilized slaughter. If the mind of the child is poisoned with such memories, what hope is there for a true realization of human brotherhood?

We Americans claim to be a peace-loving people. We hate bloodshed; we are opposed to violence. Yet we go into spasms of joy over the possibility of projecting dynamite bombs from flying machines upon helpless citizens. We are ready to hang, electrocute, or lynch anyone, who, from economic necessity, will risk his own life in the attempt upon that of some industrial magnate. Yet our hearts swell with pride at the thought that America is becoming the most powerful nation on earth, and that she will eventually plant her iron foot on the necks of all other nations.

Such is the logic of patriotism.

...Thinking men and women the world over are beginning to realize that patriotism is too narrow and limited a conception to meet the necessities of our time. The centralization of power has brought into being an international feeling of solidarity among the oppressed nations of the world; a solidarity which represents a greater harmony of interests between the workingman of America and his brothers abroad than between the American miner and his exploiting compatriot; a solidarity which fears not foreign invasion, because it is bringing all the workers to the point when they will say to their masters, "Go and do your own killing. We have done it long enough for you."

...The proletariat of Europe has realized the great force of that solidarity and has, as a result, inaugurated a war against patriotism and its bloody specter, militarism. Thousands of men fill the prisons of France, Germany, Russia and the Scandinavian countries because they dared to defy the ancient superstition...

America will have to follow suit. The spirit of militarism has already permeated all walks of life. Indeed, I am convinced that militarism is a greater danger here than anywhere else, because of the many bribes capitalism holds out to those whom it wishes to destroy...

The beginning has already been made in the schools... Children are trained in military tactics, the glory of military achievements extolled in the curriculum, and the youthful mind perverted to suit the government. Further, the youth of the country is appealed to in glaring posters to join the Army and the Navy. "A fine chance to see the world!" cries the governmental huckster. Thus innocent boys are morally shanghaied into patriotism, and the military Moloch strides conquering through the nation...

When we have undermined the patriotic lie, we shall have cleared the path for the great structure where all shall be united into a universal brotherhood -- a truly free society. 

cited from: Social Justice Speeches


8・6集会参加への呼びかけ Invitation to the "August 6" Anarchist Gathering in 2018 at Hiroshima/ Japan



  1.9時~ デモ:以下の「いいネ」の旗の下に集合してください。出発地点:原爆ドーム前(予定)2.13時頃~ 広島市内で集会 1)報告と討議「8・6集会の歴史と意義について」 2)交流会 *集会後、広島市内で懇親会


The Association for Anarchism Studies in Hiroshima decided at the 'August 6th Gathering' next year to invite a wide range of people with an interest in anarchism from within and from outside Japan to the 'August 6th Gathering' of 2018.
 Welcoming this invitation, the Association for Anarchism Studies, Kansai/Japan has decided to participate in organizing the 'August 6th Gathering' along with the Hiroshima anarchism research group, and would like to specifically call out to people with an interest in anarchism outside of Japan.  There is no restriction on participation. 

 In addition, the accommodation facilities in Hiroshima city are almost fully booked on August 5, the previous day of gathering. We can not provide accommodation facilities, so please keep these points in mind when considering participation.

The schedule of the day is as follows:

August 6, 2018 Monday:
  from 9 am - starting Demonstration from
the near of Atomic Bomb Dome. Please find the flag "Ii ne"(see left) .
  from 1pm - Gathering in the city 1) Reports and Discussions: "History and future of the August 6th Gathering; 2) Discussion and Exchange meeting.  After the gathering: drink & eat somewhere in Hiroshima city  
  The Kansai anarchism studies group is accepting applications to the 2018 'August 6th Gathering.' If you would like to participate please contact us by emailing the address below.
  We look forward your participation. Let's meet on August 6th in Hiroshima next year.
 Contact email address: joh.most@gmail.com


大逆事件の真実をあきらかにする会による「暗黒の時代に道をひらく「共謀罪」に反対する声明」 Statement against "conspiracy" that opens the path in the age of darkness by Association for clarify the truth of High Treason Incident


事務局長 山泉 進





講演「いまここで-グローバル・アナーキズムの射程」(2014年12月14日 東京外国語大学) Lecture on"Anarchy Right Now: Perspective of Gobal Anarchism. Its Vicissitude and Range" on December 14, 2014 at Tokyo Unversity of Foreign Studies

アナーキー・アライヴ!「いまここで-グローバル・アナーキズムの射程」(20141214日 東京外国語大学)田中ひかる(英語から翻訳)

 The title of my talk today was proposed by Mr. Tomotsune. In English, the title is “Anarchy Alive”, but in Japanese it is “Anarcy Right Now”. I will talk in the sense of this Japanese title: "Anarchy, Here and Now".
Following the proposal of Tomotsune, I’ll begin this talk on the leaflet Global Anarchism: Past, Present and Future- New Anarchism in Japan [See Slide 1] which my friend and I published in September.


 This leaflet contains the reports and comments, which were presented in the symposium held in Tokyo in last year; the first section of the leaflet is in Japanese, and the second part is the English translation. There are some questions and criticisms of this leaflet; and in responding to them I’ll talk about the main theme “Here and Now”. I will also summarize the questions and criticisms in the following three points: 

 1. Whether the Global Anarchism should have a revolutionary perspective and be an integrated ideal and movement or not? This question is one of the criticisms to Gabriel Kuhn’s response to a comment by Norihito Nakata.

 2. Has anarchism became “new”, or has it never changed in these 100 years? This question came from one of activists, who think that anarchism which recently resurged has the same feature of the anarchism as 100 years ago.

 3. What is anarchism? I will answer in this third point to the whole theme of my talk: “Here and now.”

1. The first question is, “Whether Global Anarchism should have a revolutionary perspective, and whether it is an integrated ideal and movement or not?”

Gabriel Kuhun
 Last November, we invited Gabriel Kuhn to Japan and held the symposium on Global Anarchism in Tokyo. This leaflet is the collection of the reports, which were held by the young academic scholars and activist.

 The term “Global Anarchism” means the phenomenon that merged globally these 20 years. Many scholars point out that after 1990, there is the resurgence of anarchism movement in the regions where anarchism has a long history and tradition: Europe, United States and South America.

 But in the other regions, where there is no tradition of anarchism, like the Philippines, Indonesia and Middle East, there are emerging strong and unique anarchism movements. Now, you can see the anarchistic thinking and attitude in every corner of the globe. With the term “Global Anarchism”, I would like to describe such phenomenon.

 In the leaflet, I pointed out some characteristics of “new anarchism”, which consists of the global anarchism that has emerged in the past twenty years.

 There are many definitions of this “new anarchism”, but if I try to define it very simply: the “new anarchism” aims to make an ideal human relationship here and now, and also tries to take an anarchistic personal attitude in every situation. To realize such a relationship, or to take such an attitude, is for many “new anarchists” the “revolution”. These are the main features of new anarchism.

 The new anarchists, therefore, don’t aim to draw up a blueprint of the future society; they don’t want to develop the movement for such utopia; they don’t struggle for such revolution which changes the whole world. But they think it is very important to not set up a long-term program, perspective or aims; they prefer to make conclusions that are open and diverse.

 They rather stress the importance of changing the human elations,   attitudes and behavior in everyday life; I would like to call this idea or tactic as other scholars have, “revolution of here and now” or “revolution in everyday life. ”

  Many of them are young people who have been influenced by music scenes, such as punk-rock, reggae or hip-hop. Most of them don’t know the history of anarchism, but they had many experience as activists in the ecology movement, feminist movement and many music scenes.

 Their movements are very diverse, and they don’t care whether anarchism is main theme among them or not. Such activities like animal liberation or to share the vegetarian food with poor people were not the main themes of traditional anarchism, but so many new anarchists in the Philippines, Europe and in other places have participated in the activities of Animal Liberation Front or the “Food Not Bombs”.

 I think that most of these diverse activities have their common feature: to concentrate on the micro “life.” 

 From the 19th century, the main theme of traditional anarchism, is the destruction of the state, or realizing a general strike.

 But the new anarchists are questioning more basic matters, such as how we manage “life” as human beings. Because they are very aware of such situations in which their life are entangled in the world of global capitalism. 

The new anarchism are consists of such many factors which I have pointed out.

Gabriel Kuhn raised the following problem.  

 Anarchist shouldn’t be satisfied with managing infoshops or the café collectives. They should have an integrated strategy beyond their diversity to effectively deal a blow to capital and the nation state. They should not be only a simple subculture, but also have more integrated thinking. They should construct their network more closely. With such efforts, they will have stronger political power. 

In this symposium, one of the commentators, Norihito Nakata, criticized this proposal for the following reasons. 

 He said that the most important ideal of anti-globalization movement is the diversity of tactics because Anarchism denies every rule. Everybody who participated in this movement regarded this ideal as very important. Gabriel said that such new anarchist’s diversity of tactics doesn’t make a revolutionary vision that will make the new anarchism a force of global opposition.
 But we shouldn’t overlook the radicalism of such an ideal itself; when we see the whole practice of new anarchists, we can recognize that their practice explains what their ideal is. Their practice of diversity describes the “anarchy” of their movement. Elaborating this ideal=practice is the focus of Global Anarchism today and in the future.

 One of my friends told me that he agrees with the comment of Nakata. If the anarchist movement pursues its integrated program, strategy and solidarity, the movement will be unattractive. I also agree this opinion.

But I can also understand the proposal of Gabriel, because in Europe there is a widespread anarchistic movement. Here is an image of huge demonstration in Frankfrt am Main in Germany, on 31 March of 2012, for example. 

They were protesting against the EU’s spending policy applied to Greece and expressing their strong feeling of solidarity with people in Greece. The same day, there were many demonstrations in other cities in Europe. It was a simultaneous action [show the movie].

2. Is this anarchism “new”, or has it never changed over these 100 years?

 This question came from one of the colleges where I teach. In other words, the idea that the recently resurgent anarchism  has the same features as the anarchism of a 100 years ago.

In Global Anarchism today, it seems like most anarchists regard the revolution in everyday life as the most important thing. For them the revolution and utopia to would be realized in the distant future are not so important. But before 1990, among the anarchists everywhere, the most important theme was revolution and the future post-revolution society. At the end of 19th century, anarchists in Europe and United States debated the rightness of these two positions. The most important thing was the means of the revolution and the question of property in a future anarchist society.

 The socialist anarchists advocated the future society where the means of production and property are held in common after destruction of the state through violent revolution. On the other side, individualist anarchists opposed violent revolution, which leads necessarily to tyranny. They proposed to change society through multiple activities in capitalist society. They also opposed communism because they thought common property must lead to tyranny; they pointed to the distribution of wealth according to one’s work. Socialist anarchists ridiculed individualist and as accused them of being “bourgeois.”

A 100 years later, Murray Bookchin (1921-2006) supported “social anarchism” and attacked so-called “lifestyle anarchism.” Some anarchists criticized Bookchin and defended “lifestyle anarchism.”. Here we can notice that there is almost same dispute as the oe 100 years ago between socialist anarchists and individual anarchists.

  100 years ago, individualist anarchists were only a small minority. Lifestyle anarchism is very similar to the individualist anarchists of 100 years ago. But the lifestyle anarchists such as the primitivists John Zerzan and Hakim Bay who demonstrated the Temporary Autonomous Zone, have powerfully inspired the participants in the anti-globalization movement.This is quite different from the situation over a 100 year ago. Today, the individualistic current of anarchism enjoys more sympathy in the movement.

The background of this situation is a collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Europe socialist bloc. The monolithic socialist society created through a total social revolution produced the tyranny individualist anarchists had predicted. Of course, since the 1920s, anarchists also opposed the Soviet-type socialism or communism. However, revolution and utopia envisaged by socialist anarchists resembled, in several respects, such Soviet-type socialism and communism.

 In addition, state socialism and anarchism in the 19th century had the same premise of revolution and utopia. Their plans are based on the development of modern civilization, endless increases of production, and technological innovation. However, if we think of such problems as “The Limits to Growth” or the crisis of ecology, as well as various problems that mass production and mass consumption society produces, we have to criticize modern civilization’s authoritarian and oppressive aspects n.

 I think that since the 1980s, anarchism began to change to fit these situations. In that period, Marry Bookchin was regarded as an important thinker who advocated ecological anarchism, but at the same time, some people noticed the problems of his modernist oriented or civilization oriented thinking.

 Another important factor that changed the trend of anarchism, was feminism, and, I think, the power theory of Michel Foucault. Based on these views, we must recognize that power relations exist within every corner of human relationships,  . Even with regard to anarchist revolution and utopia we cannot destroy or diminish this power and authority. It is more difficult to describe utopia; anarchists couldn’t avoid discussing the authoritarian, suppressive characteristics of anarchistic revolution.

 There are other factors that led to changes in anarchism by the end of 20th century, but today I cannot go into more detail. More attention needs to be paid to the changing process of anarchism in the end of 20th century.

 Today, I would like to attempt to compare the old or traditional style of anarchism movement to the new style of social movements in Japan. The first photo is from a demonstration of anarchists around 1990. I'll try to compare this to this video of the 2012 anti-nuclear “Halloween” demonstration that took place in Kunitachi, a city in the west of Tokyo. The next video is a demonstration that was held in Shibuya in the center of Tokyo on June 29 of this year.

  First, the old photo is not a good example, but, it was demonstration by anarchists in Hiroshima.  There were traditional anarchist slogans, such as destruction of the state and destruction of emperor state system, and it was characterized by uniformity. Black clothes, helmets, and black flags; this is the traditional style. This style also makes it very easy to understand that an anarchist demonstration is being hel. But this old traditional style had a military nature as a whole.

 I notice that in the anti-nuclear demonstration of this year and the Halloween demo of 2012, many of the participants dressed in fancy or fashionable costumes. There were skits, songs and dances. The diversity is very clear; there are not only men, but also women; young people, children and old people; as a whole, the structure of demonstration is miscellaneous. The demonstration in the second video clip, which we have seen, expressed anger against the current regime, opposition ot the 2020 Tokyo Olympics  and to Japan’s nuclear power policy; there was a brass band, drums, dance, crowns, hip-hop; we can see that various demands appear in the placards and are voiced by the demonstrators.

  Such demonstrations are not considered to be the result of anarchists. However, we can see the important features of global anarchism: openness, diversity, and horizontal relationships. In contrast, what were the demonstrations or the social movement as a whole like in 1990s Japan? 

Kou Mukai
Kō Mukai, one of old Japanese anarchists, who was active from the end of Second World War until the early 2000s, wrote in this book “Anarchists: the people who have no name”, which was published in 2005, after his death in 2003 [show the slide]. In it he writes that the Japanese anarchism movement until today, from the 1920s, had many negative dimensions. Anarchism of Japan during this period was strongly influenced by the ideology and practice of Japanese Communist Party, the Bolsheviks. Mukai wrote that “two persons with hatred for each other, resemble each other.He said that Japanese anarchists (including himself) had strong characteristic of socialists from after World War II until recently. 

I agree with Mukai. I think that before the Russian Revolution begins, the style of anarchist movement in Europe and America were influenced by the style of political or social movement of the middleclass, workers, and social democratic movement, because many anarchists participated in such movements before they became anarchists. We can find many authoritarian features in the movements at the time.

 However, there is also much evidence that before the Russian Revolution, many in the anarchist movement had such features like openness and diversity. I think, after the Russian revolution, the anarchist movement took over such features until today in some points. But in the period of struggling with the Communist Party, consciously or unconsciously, so many anarchists began to be influenced from the ideas and practice of communists. In that process, anarchists became very similar to their opponents against whom they had strong hostilities.
Some people point out that the origin of the current global anarchism is the movement of 1968. But I think that the anarchism changed further on from that time. So-called leftist thinking, attitudes and words have remained until the 1990s. I think that the bigger change occurred later.

  However, since the 19th century until today, there is a great difference that divides anarchism from social democracy and communism. It is a sort of principle to make a free and equal relationship here and now. If you couldn’t make such relationship here and now, it is not possible to build a free and equal society in the future. We can see the same principle in syndicalism, in anarcho-syndicalism, and even in the preamble of the IWW.

Perhaps, this is the primary characteristic of anarchism, which hasn’t changed in the past 140 years. I think that anarchists can think this principle has a reality precisely because they had the experience free and equal relationships in their movement. In other words, they experienced in every period such a situation in their movement, based on diversity, openness to the outside, loose and warm human relationships.

We can find some long-lasting movement in the history of anarchism. I think that such movement could be based on the free and equal human relationship in which most people who are participating could experience a sort of alternative society, and they could believe in the realization of such a society in the future

I will return to the first point. Is this phenomenon of so-called “global anarchism” new or old? Certainly, we can find in global anarchism some characteristics that are very similar to the previous period before Communist Party appears.

 However, there are different practices for each era. Global anarchism is more conscious of realizing the ideal of “anarchy” here now” by their practice in everyday life. This is very different from the anarchism before 1990. I think it’s because anarchism is no longer bound by the traditional goal of anarchism: realization of the revolution and the future society.

Gabrile Kuhn pointed out that such anarchism is powerless because they couldn’t deal an effective blow to the state and capital. Then, what is anarchism for us?

3. What is anarchism?

  According to the Mukai, the “practice of anarchism” is our daily life and relationships, in which we pursue some anarchistic ways” and “approaches.”   

  Mukai also pointed out that before the 1920’s there was also such movement in Japan. If you learn from this old movement, the aim of anarchism in the 21s century should be a disorder of order.” And also the anarchism movement should have a personal and private nature. This is the point where Mukai arrived shortly before his death. 

  Mukai found out in the Japanese anarchist history before World War II, many unique activities of "anarchists “who had no name.” They continued their activity in the period when Japanese state and society became more militaristic, and after the war. Describing such history, Mukai makes very clear the importance of activity based on everyday life and human relations.

 Among such anarchists, I want to introduce a tailor named Kasahara Tsutomu, who lived in Kobe. From 1925, when he was around the age of 18, he became involved in anarchism movement. When the repression intensified against whole oppositional movement, including the Communist Party and anarchists, he send messages to his comrade as much as he could, and called for others to join to the association to make a free verse, or free styled poem. 

The only rule of this association was, write your poems in the post card and send it to Kasahara, but you don’t have to write a poem which has such a content as could be detected by the police. Most comrades had no experience writing such poetry, and there were few well-written ones. Nevertheless, they wrote something like poetry and sent it to Kasahara.

They could predict that police check every postcard because it is written and sent by anarchists. Kasahara collected these censored postcards and issued a leaflet of the poetry of association. This activity continued for more than one year, before the whole anarchist activity was suppressed.

Then, in 1939, Kasahara made his home the meeting point for the poetry association. When seven or eight comrades gathered, they walked ten minutes from Kasahara’s home up to the waterfall, where they shouted various things. This is the photo of the waterfall.


 The name of this waterfall is “Nunobiki”, means pulling the cloth. Kasahara called his home the Nunobiki poetry association.” Among the echoing waterfalls roar, because there were no police watching , they shouted various things.

 Nominally it was a meeting to sing a poem before the waterfall, but in fact they sang songs of labor and revolution. It was such a time when if you only spoke out on the street or in your room, you could be arrested. They had no means to speak aloud, other than this form.

He recollected that when the issue of poetry arrived, he could be aware of the connection between comrades. He was not narrowly involved in nationalism even during the war because he continued to write and send the postcards with poetry to his comrades.

  詩集が出せなくなったあとも、小松原さんというアナーキストは、はがきに詩を書いて同志に送る、ということを戦時中もやっていたそうです。 その人によれば、アナーキストたちも、戦前から戦中にかけて、時代の雰囲気に飲み込まれて、日本のナショナリズムのプロパガンダに乗せられてナショナリストになっていきました。
One anarchist recollected that after Kasahara couldn’t issue poetry leaflets, and even during the war, he and some anarchist continued to write poems on postcards and sends them to comrades. So many anarchists became nationalist under the influence of propaganda in the 1930’s and through wartime. They were swallowed by the atmosphere of the age.

 By continuing the relationships by writing and sending the free styled poetry in the postcard, they could participate again in the anarchist movement after the war. The following is one of such free styled poem.

 ”ちょうちょうがとんでいく。ちりんちりん、豆腐売っていく道 誉れの家二軒”
“Butterfly goes flying. Ring, ring, on road of selling tofu, two “house of our honor”

“The house of our honor” is the house of fathers and sons who had gone to the war and died. During the Sino-Japanese war from 1930’s and during the World War II, Japanese authorities decided to put the small wooden plate on the entrance of every such house, on which was written: “house of our honor.” 

 This poem was written by an anarchist Komatsubara who sold tofu. He was arrested in 1940, but he continued to sell tofu after the war. But it’s impossible today to investigate his detailed history. He is one of the anarchists who have “no name.” He was one of a few anarchist who walked against the flow of time. 
We can learn from the whole episode of the poetry association that it’s very difficult to protect yourself from the overall trend of society. But by continuing steady relationship with comrades, you don’t have to be caught in the strong tide of social trends. You can imagine that it is actually difficult to continue. If you have to live in this society, many think it better to ride with the flow of society, whether it is wartime or peacetime.

Whether it is a militarist society or capitalist society, standardized society suppresses the thinking and behavior of people, and they are standardized. Today, even singing and making poetry, has been commercialized. In Japanese society, there are so many people who don’t have the opportunities to sing songs without Karaoke. I’m not sure, if such people sing a song loudly before the waterfall today. I think that there are fewer and fewer people today like David Rovics who can express themselves in a song.
 Here, I go back to the theme that anarchism emphasizes everyday life and relationships as its practice. Regarding this point, 100 years ago, the German anarchist, Gustav Landauer said:

Gustav Landauer

One can overturn a table and smash a windowpane; but they are puffed-up word-spewers [Wortemacher] and gullible word-adores [Wortanbeter], who hold the state for such a thing -akin to a fetish - that one can smash in order to destroy. The state is relationship between human beings, a way by which people relate to one another; and one destroys it by entering into other relationships, by behaving differently to one another. (Gustav Landauer, ‘Weak Statesmen, Weaker People’ (1910), in: Anarchism, A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, Vol. 1: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300CE to1939), ed. R.Graham, Black Rose Books, 2005p.165)

In the past ten years, this idea has come to be mentioned often in the English literature on anarchism. I think that there are more people who have begun to believe that they can’t help being involved in the reproduction process of the system. What does it mean to have “other relationships” and “behave differently”?  It has been left to our own imagination. I myself imagine it could be the action and relationships in everyday life that Mukai once spoke of.

Now, toward the end of this talk, I want to consider the relationship of anarchists to the phenomenon of global anarchism. I’ll look at some current cases of the world described by Takurō Higuchi, then I want to introduce some historical example of relationship that connected Japan, United States and Europe.

 Around noon on September 1, 1923, a major earthquake of magnitude 7 or greater occurred in the Kanto region. In Tokyo, more than 100,000 were dead or missing, and more than 1.9 million people were impacted by the disaster. At the same time, in just 10 days, citizens of Tokyo killed many Korean residents. Nobody knows how many Korean people were killed, but it is estimated that more than 2 thousand or 6 thousand were killed. One of the causes of this atrocity was a groundless rumor that a huge number of Koreans had attacked Japanese people, but the most important factor was the attitude of government officials and the police, who didn’t deny this rumor.

On September 4, Keishich Hirasawa, the famous playwright and labor union activist was murdered at a police station in Tokyo by the military along with nine other  young labor activists who were mostly around 20 years old; Hirasawa was only the victim over 30. They were active for distributing food, managing the kitchen outside, and searching for missing persons (photo).

On September 16, Osugi Sakae, his partner Noe Ito and seven-year-old nephew Tachibana Munekazu were massacred by the military police. Two month earlier, he had returned from Paris, after he left Japan in December of 1922 to attend an international anarchist congress to be held in Berlin. He ended up being arrested in Paris and deported to Japan.

  The massacre of Hirasawa and young comrade was judged by the authorities as an appropriate action under martial law. On the other hand, the murder of Osugi, Ito and Tachibana was prosecuted, and a trial was held in military court. However, the information about the murder of Ito and the 7-years-old boy was not reported until October 9 when the trial began because of control over the press.

 There was a 22-year-old printing worker named Eiichi Nobushima. At the age of 20, he was recruited by Osugi and joined the organization called the Labor Movement Association, which Osugi and his comrades ha established. Nobushima was good at English. In October 9, when the trial of the suspected leader of killing, Captain Amakasu, began, and the press began to report on this trial, Nobushima wrote a newspaper article in Japanese about the massacre and other incidents that occurred in Japan after the earthquake. With a letter in English, he sent the manuscript of the article in Japanese to the office of the organ of IWW “Industrial Worker” in Seattle. 


Nobushima wrote in the English letter the following:

  ‘Comrades of the Industrial Worker: The article in Japanese enclosed herewith is very important. We are now confronted with the great danger of being arrested or murdered. We have no time to write you of the present situation of Japan in detail, so I write it in Japanese in a very hurried manner. Have some Japanese comrades there translate it for you.’ ‘When you print it please send marked copies to the Syndicalist International of Berlin, the Freedom Press of England and Le Libertaire of France. (‘Workers murdered in Japan’, Industrial Worker, October 31, 1923, p.2).

 それから3週間後に刊行された『インダストリアル・ワーカー』1031日号には、以上の記事が全文掲載され、新聞のヘッドラインには「日本で労働者が虐殺される 殺害されたのは数百名 大杉と平沢を含む 女子どもも虐殺 残忍なる所行 責任は日本政府にあり」「政府からの命令による一斉検挙の中で社会主義者とアナーキストが殺害される」と大見出しがでていました。
Three weeks after this letter was written, it was published on the issue of Industrial Worker of October 31. On the headline we can see the words [PDF File]: ‘Hundreds killed; Osugi and Hirasawa Among Number; Women and Children Slaughtered; Ruthless Barbarity Shown; Japanese Government Responsible.’ ‘Socialists and anarchists killed in round-up ordered by government.’


 In November, on the anarchist organ Freedom published an article about the massacre in Japan with excerpts of the article written by Nobushima. The editor of Freedom appealed to readers in the following manner:We beg our readers to bring these atrocities by the Japanese authorities to the notice of any Trade Union or Socialist organisation to which they may belong, and to send their protests to the Japanese Ambassador in London. This publicity cannot bring back our dead comrades, but it may prevent the Japanese Government murdering any more of the Anarchists and Socialists now in prison.’ 

 In the same month, the anarcho-syndicalist organ Der Syndikalist, which was published in Berlin, also reported the atrocity in Japan, probably based on the article of Industrial Worker. The editor appealed to readers by saying:

地震の後から日本ではアナーキストとサンディカリストに対する大規模な迫害が始まった。916日、大杉栄とその伴侶である伊藤野枝、甥で7才の少年、Saichi Tachibanaが憲兵隊大尉によって殺害された。また、われわれの同志である平沢とその他20名以上の友人たちも殺害された・・・・・ヨーロッパとアメリカ労働者諸君。日本政府に雇われている制服を着た連中の悪行に抗議せよ。世界各地には、名目上は日本を代表してはいるが、現実には日本の資本主義と帝国主義を代表している人間と組織がある。彼らに対して伝えよ。大杉とそのほかわれわれの友人たちを殺したのはおまえたちなのだ、と。日本の革命的労働運動万歳。
“After the earthquake in Japan, there began huge persecution against anarchists and syndicalists. On September 16, Sakae Osugi, his partner Noe Ito, and his 7-year-old nephew Munekazu Tachibana were killed by the military police. Our comrades Keisichi Hirasawa and 20 other friends were also killed....Workers of Europe and United States: Protest against the atrocities by the uniformed men who are hired by Japanese government. In all countries, there are men and institutions who nominally represent Japan but in reality represent Japanese capitalism and imperialism. Tell them that they are the murderers of Osugi and his friends. Long live the Japanese revolutionary workers movement.”

Written by Nobushima under very difficult circumstances, the article was sent to the United States; it was translated by an anonymous Japanese American in Seattle, then it was published by Industrial Worker; the issue was sent to Europe, and reported on in Freedom in London, in Libertaire in Paris and in Der Syndikalist in Berlin. In less than two months, the message of Nobushima was spread among the socialists, anarchists and workers of United States and Europe. I think it is because of the following words of Nobushima: 

‘We are now confronted with the great danger of being arrested or murdered. […] You are requested to send this information in the world on our behalf by Japanese revolutionary workers.’
These words tell the emergency.

 There are some reasons why it happened. Here is a newspaper issue for workers published in 1918 by anarchists in Kameido where Hirasawa and other 9 men were killed. You can see the illustration of a man.

 The origin of this is the poster of Paterson Pagent which was held by the IWW at New York’s Madison Square Garden in 1913, to help striking workers in Paterson. This design spread all over the world. In 1918 after five years, it was used in a Japanese worker’s newspaper. Here, you can see the trans-pacific connection.

 This small illustration was published in the newspaper Labor Movement in 1923; this paper was established in 1921 by Osugi and his comrades, including Nobushima. The origin of this illustration is also the poster of the IWW; it was created in 1918 in order to rescue comrades from prison. In addition, before Osugi and the other were killed, there were some articles written and sent by Nobushima that were published in in Freedom and Libertaire. The long years of connection between Japanese anarchists and the IWW, and the connections of Japanese anarchist and European anarchists, were the reason why the American and European could respond so quickly.

 Also, until just a few months before he was killed, Osugi had stayed in Paris and visited the office of Libertaire. Because of that, Libertaire responded to Osugi’s death so quickly. And the first place to find out about the international movement was in the pages of Freedom and Libertaire, which were important newspapers for Osugi and others. This relationship was born back to 1910. When the anarchist Shūsui Kōtoku was hanged on trumped-up charges. The United States and European anarchist newspapers reported on the case even after he was executed and put out articles every years around the memorial day. It seems that Nobushima created connection with comrades outside Japan.

  From this story of Japanese anarchists, I think the following can be concluded: If there is no waterfall in your neighborhood to sing songs in front of, and if you don’t have friends around you to send your poems in a postcard, if you don’t have friends who grieve over the death of important persons together, you better look to the world. If there are such people who think like you do, who sympathize with you; if you can interact with them, if you can take action in solidarity, you can live more, even in this lonely and hard world; you can be encouraged to walk with your head raised  high; you can think that you go a little more, here and now. Global anarchism is a phenomenon that gives us such ideas and inspiration.

Thank you so much.